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From Christine Niles:
WASHINGTON, D.C., June 24, 2015 (ChurchMilitant.com) - The U.S. Supreme Court is about to issue a history-making ruling on marriage, with the opinion for the case Obergefell v. Hodges expected
to be handed down any day now. At stake is whether the states will
retain the right to define marriage on their own terms, as they always
have in the past, or whether the Supreme Court will impose a
straight-jacket ruling on all 50 states redefining marriage.
Obergefell is a consolidation of cases from four states —
Ohio, Tennessee, Michigan and Kentucky — with gay residents of each
state suing their respective state bans on gay "marriage." At the heart
of the analysis are two questions:
- Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state to license a marriage between two people of the same sex?
- Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state to recognize a
marriage between two people of the same sex when their marriage was
lawfully licensed and performed out-of-state?
More specifically, the Court will examine whether a fundamental
"right to gay marriage" can be found in either the Due Process Clause or
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
John Bursch, former solicitor general for the state of Michigan (a
devout Catholic and married father of five), is arguing on behalf of the
states' right both to refuse to license same-sex "marriages" and to
refuse to recognize the same from other states. Mary Bonauto,
representing the opposition, is arguing that the Constitution implicitly
contains a fundamental right to gay "marriage" under the Fourteenth
Amendment. Bonauto is also a Catholic, and is in a lesbian "marriage" with her longtime partner with whom she is raising twin daughters.
The lower court decision on appeal before the Supreme Court had
upheld the states' bans on gay marriage, encapsulating its reasoning
thus:
What we are left with is this: By creating a status (marriage) and by
subsidizing it (e.g., with tax-filing privileges and deductions), the
States created an incentive for two people who procreate together to
stay together for purposes of rearing offspring. That does not convict
the States of irrationality, only of awareness of the biological reality
that couples of the same sex do not have children in the same way as
couples of opposite sexes and that couples of the same sex do not run
the risk of unintended offspring. That explanation, still relevant
today, suffices to allow the States to retain authority over an issue
they have regulated from the beginning.
Because marriage has traditionally been reserved to each individual
state's sphere of governance, and because the states have a rational
basis for restricting marriage only to a man and a woman (namely,
procreation and children), according to the appellate court, it has no
authority to define policy in this area, and therefore ruled in favor of
each state's right to define marriage according to legislative will.
But Bonauto is arguing that the U.S. Constitution trumps states'
rights in this case. Both the Equal Protection and Due Process clauses
have been used in the past as a "catch-all" for various fundamental
rights — most notoriously the Due Process Clause, which ushered in a
so-called right to abortion in the 1973 case Roe v. Wade. (Read more.)
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