Tea at Trianon: Poland and China Under Communism

John Wilson Croker on Marie-Antoinette

"We have followed the history of Marie Antoinette with the greatest diligence and scrupulosity. We have lived in those times. We have talked with some of her friends and some of her enemies; we have read, certainly not all, but hundreds of the libels written against her; and we have, in short, examined her life with– if we may be allowed to say so of ourselves– something of the accuracy of contemporaries, the diligence of inquirers, and the impartiality of historians, all combined; and we feel it our duty to declare, in as a solemn a manner as literature admits of, our well-matured opinion that every reproach against the morals of the queen was a gross calumny– that she was, as we have said, one of the purest of human beings."

~from History of the Guillotine by John Wilson Croker, 1844

Edmund Burke on Marie-Antoinette

"It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of France, then dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely there never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision. I saw her just above the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she had just begun to move in, glittering like a morning star full of life and splendor and joy. Oh, what a revolution....Little did I dream that I should have lived to see such disasters fall upon her, in a nation of gallant men, in a nation of men of honor and of cavaliers! I thought ten thousand swords must have leaped from their scabbards, to avenge even a look which threatened her with insult. But the age of chivalry is gone; that of sophisters, economists, and calculators has succeeded...."

~Edmund Burke, October 1790

Monday, November 14, 2016

Poland and China Under Communism

From The National Catholic Register:

One of the great Church-state controversies in history was precisely over the “investiture” of bishops in the 11th century, with Pope Gregory VII prevailing over King Henry on the precise question of who had the authority to appoint bishops. Even so, Gregory’s victory for the Church’s liberty was honored more in principle than in practice — he died in exile. Likewise, in 1950s’ Poland, the communists attempted to override their agreement with Cardinal Wyszynski.

“In May 1953, the regime ordered the implementation of a law by which it, not the Church, would appoint and remove pastors, vicars and bishops. The Church would become, de facto, a subsidiary of the Polish state,” noted Weigel. What the Polish regime did not take into account was that, in Stefan Wyszynski, they were dealing with one of the greatest Churchmen of the 20th century.

“Wyszynski threw down the gauntlet in a historic sermon at Warsaw’s St. John’s Cathedral: ‘We teach that it is proper to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and to God that which is God’s. But when Caesar sits himself upon the altar, we respond curtly: He may not,’” Weigel wrote. In response, the communists declared war on the Polish Church under Cardinal Wyszynski’s leadership. It charged the bishops with treason; and on the night of Sept. 25-26, 1953, Cardinal Wyszynski was arrested and began three years of internment, first in a monastery and later in a convent. By the end of 1953, eight bishops and 900 priests were in prison for the faith. Archbishop Eugeniusz Baziak of Krakow — who would be succeeded in 1964 by Karol Wojtyla — was also placed under house arrest from 1953 to 1956.

In 1956 the communists, fearing instability, sought to pacify the people by moderating their persecution of the Church. Cardinal Wyszynski insisted upon the restoration of the 1950 agreement on the appointment of bishops — he would choose and the communists would get a veto. It was that process that led to the appointment of Bishop Wojtyla as archbishop of Krakow. In one of the great “blunders” of history, the Polish communists decided they would veto all of Cardinal Wyszynski’s proposals for Krakow — there were a half dozen — until they got Bishop Wojtyla, whom they misjudged more easily manipulated than Wyszynski. From a distance of 60 years, what lessons are there in the experience of the Church in Poland that are relevant to the Chinese situation? There are several.

First, in Poland, the Church was strong and united after World War II, in a position to demand concessions of the regime. In China, the Church has been divided for decades and the underground Church constrained in its leadership. What the Church in Poland was able to insist upon for itself the Church in China depends upon the Holy See to do.

Second, there was no doubt that Cardinal Wyszynski — with varying degrees of support and criticism from Rome — was the leader in Poland. In China, the PRC’s policy of divide and conquer has been effective. China’s Catholic Church has no indisputable leader. Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, retired bishop of Hong Kong, has immense moral authority and has been sounding the alarm about what he fears the Holy See might agree to with China. Yet, during his retirement years, the voice of Cardinal Zen is less influential than it once was.

Third, is there a significant difference between Cardinal Wyszynski’s model of the Church choosing a candidate subject to a state veto and the apparent Chinese model of the Church selecting from nominees of the state? In one sense, no, because the bishop will always have been approved by the Holy See, preserving its prerogative. In another sense, yes, because it is the state who selects, and it is not clear that the Church could veto. In the Chinese case, the framework for the selection of bishops is set by the state — an officially atheist state.

Fourth, Cardinal Wyszynski knew well that communists do not keep their promises — least of all regarding human rights and religious liberty. Yet he judged the Church in Poland strong enough to insist upon what had been agreed to. He was vindicated, in that he was able to force the regime to honor the agreements of 1950, even after they attempted to weaken him with three years of internment. The Church in China simply does not have that strength after nearly 70 years of persecution and decapitated leadership.

Fifth and finally, the Chinese regime appears to be ratcheting up religious persecution, even as the Holy See enters more deeply into negotiations. Troubling news is emerging from China, not least of which is a law, which took effect Nov. 1, that encourages people to report to the authorities parents who might be clandestinely providing religious education to their own children. What the Holy See might regard as a diplomatic breakthrough may well be considered by Beijing a further step in its reduction of religious liberty. (Read more.)